As government intervention in the private rented sector continues to expand, are we losing sight of the fact that private landlords are running businesses, not publicly funded housing services?
I have been investing in and letting property for more than 25 years. When I first entered the market, my intention was straightforward: to invest my own money, purchase properties, provide accommodation and, hopefully, make a reasonable return on that investment.
Like any business, there were risks. Properties needed maintaining, mortgages needed paying, regulations needed following and tenants needed looking after. Sometimes investments performed well; sometimes they did not.
What I never anticipated was the extent to which government would increasingly seek to dictate how privately funded rental businesses should operate.
And I find the direction of travel increasingly concerning.
At the 2026 Labour Party Conference, Prime Minister Andy Burnham spoke about restoring Britain’s public housing stock, not simply through new construction but also by acting on the private rented sector.
His remarks raise an important question: where does responsibility for providing social housing end, and where does the legitimate operation of a private business begin?
For decades, successive governments have faced a long-term shortage of social housing. During that period, the private rented sector has grown substantially.
According to the English Housing Survey 2024–25, approximately 4.7 million households in England rented privately in 2024–25, compared with 4.1 million in the social rented sector.
Private landlords have played an enormous role in housing people who might otherwise have struggled to find accommodation.
But there is a fundamental distinction between providing homes through private investment and accepting responsibility for delivering the government’s social housing policy.
The two should not be confused.
Over the years, I have occasionally joked that being a landlord feels like running another department of social services.
Except sometimes it has not felt like a joke.
Private landlords may accommodate people facing difficult personal circumstances, including unemployment, financial hardship, addiction and family breakdown.
Many landlords work hard to help tenants through these difficulties, frequently showing patience and understanding well beyond their contractual responsibilities.
But landlords are not social workers, mental health professionals or publicly funded support organisations.
We are private individuals and businesses providing accommodation.
There must be a point at which responsibility for wider social problems remains with the authorities and services established to address them.
The government cannot reasonably expect landlords to provide housing commercially while also assuming unlimited responsibility for tenants’ wider circumstances.
I have no objection to sensible regulation.
Tenants deserve safe, properly maintained accommodation. Rogue landlords who knowingly exploit their tenants should face meaningful consequences.
But there is a difference between protecting tenants and progressively restricting the freedom of responsible landlords to manage their businesses.
Over recent years, landlords have faced changes to taxation, licensing, property standards, tenancy arrangements, possession procedures and enforcement.
The Renters’ Rights Act 2025 represents another major change. In England’s private rented sector, its first phase took effect on 1 May 2026 and included the abolition of Section 21 “no-fault” evictions, the move towards assured periodic tenancies and changes to possession grounds.
Each reform may have an understandable objective when examined individually.
But how often does government examine their combined effect?
How much additional cost, uncertainty and administrative responsibility can a small landlord reasonably absorb before deciding that the business is no longer worth operating?
And if that landlord sells, who provides the accommodation previously available to their tenants?
Another issue receiving insufficient attention is the power exercised by local authorities.
Councils have important responsibilities for licensing, housing standards and enforcement. Those powers are necessary to protect residents.
However, the imbalance between a small landlord and a local authority can be considerable.
An individual officer’s interpretation of regulations may have serious financial consequences for a landlord.
A council has access to specialist departments, legal teams and institutional resources. The individual property owner may have little more than personal savings and whatever time they can spare from running a business.
Depending on the decision involved, there may be routes such as an internal review, a statutory appeal, tribunal proceedings or court proceedings. But the existence of a formal route does not necessarily make it affordable, straightforward or accessible.
A landlord may ultimately be proved right and still incur considerable costs along the way.
When public bodies exercise powers capable of affecting someone’s livelihood, there should be equally strong expectations of transparency, proportionality and accountability.
Who holds the regulator accountable when the regulator gets it wrong?
That question deserves much greater attention.
Consider the traditional bedsit or house in multiple occupation.
For generations, this type of accommodation has provided an important entry point into the housing market for people unable to afford a self-contained flat.
It may not offer the space, privacy or facilities that many people would ideally choose, but it can provide a practical and comparatively affordable housing option.
There is a growing expectation that rented accommodation should meet increasingly demanding standards.
Improving living conditions is a worthwhile objective.
But we must recognise the financial consequences.
Every additional requirement has a cost. Those costs must either be absorbed by the landlord, reflected in rents or make continued letting commercially unviable.
If smaller landlords decide to leave that part of the market, the result may be fewer low-cost accommodation options.
A property sold to an owner-occupier has not disappeared from the housing stock, but the rental accommodation it previously provided may no longer be available.
The people who relied on that accommodation still need somewhere to live.
Government must consider what happens to them when the cheapest lawful options become uneconomic to provide.
Perhaps the most important point is that landlords invest their own capital and accept their own financial risks.
We purchase properties, arrange finance, maintain buildings, insure against risks, comply with legislation and take responsibility for the commercial consequences.
Unlike councils and housing associations, private landlords are not generally directly funded by the state simply to acquire and operate their rental portfolios.
Of course, tenants may receive benefits that help them meet their rent, but that is not the same as publicly funding the landlord’s investment.
It is therefore reasonable to question a system in which government increasingly determines the terms on which private landlords operate while leaving the financial consequences with those landlords.
Private investment depends on confidence and a reasonable expectation of being able to manage commercial risk.
If those conditions deteriorate, some investors will understandably reconsider their involvement.
That is not necessarily evidence of greed or an unwillingness to accept responsibility. It can be an ordinary commercial decision.
If government wants a larger social housing sector, it should develop and fund a credible programme to deliver one.
If it wants the private rented sector to continue housing millions of households, it must create conditions in which responsible landlords can operate sustainable businesses.
And if it wants landlords to take on wider social responsibilities, it must recognise the additional support and resources those responsibilities require.
What it cannot reasonably do is assume that privately funded housing businesses can absorb ever-increasing obligations indefinitely.
Tenants need security. Landlords need certainty. Both need a regulatory system that is fair, consistent and workable.
These objectives are not mutually exclusive.
After more than 25 years in property, my concern is not with the principle of regulation but with its cumulative effect.
We risk creating a system in which responsible smaller landlords feel increasingly powerless over assets they have purchased and maintained with their own money.
Some will remain. Others will sell. Larger corporate landlords may replace them in certain parts of the market, while other properties may move into owner-occupation.
The consequences will not be uniform, and government should monitor them carefully rather than simply assuming that every additional regulation improves outcomes.
I believe Britain needs a strong social housing sector.
I also believe it needs a healthy, professionally run private rented sector.
But these are different models of housing provision, with different funding arrangements, responsibilities and risks.
The private rented sector can contribute to solving Britain’s housing problems. It should not be expected to compensate indefinitely for the state’s failure to provide sufficient social housing.
That is a distinction policymakers need to remember before deciding how much further government intervention should go.
Nick Neale is a property professional with more than 25 years’ experience of investing in, managing and letting residential property.
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